Citizens' Accountability LedgerPublishing principles
Purpose, method and limits

Why this exists.
And the rules it follows.

Every accountability project should be willing to state, in one place, what it is for and what it will not do. This is that page. It is also the page to read before writing to a lawyer about this one, because most of what such a letter would ask has already been answered here, in public, on purpose.

Why it is published

This ledger is published in the public interest, so that any citizen can see how public office was exercised in India this century, what it cost in money and in lives, and whether anybody was ever made to answer for it. That is the whole purpose. Nothing here is published for entertainment, for a party, or for money.

It is a matter of public interest how public power is used, because the power was lent by the public and paid for by them. A citizen asking what happened to their money, their air, their railway bridge or their exam paper is not a nuisance to be managed. In a democracy that question is the job. A government confident in its record has nothing to fear from a document that cites its own audits back to it.

Public conduct only

This ledger records the public conduct of people who held public office, in the exercise of that office. It does not record, and will not accept, anything about anyone's private life, family, health, faith, finances outside public office, or personal relationships. Submissions of that kind are deleted rather than reviewed.

Naming who held a portfolio when a failure happened is a matter of record. It is not, by itself, an allegation of personal wrongdoing, and this site says so on every page where it appears. The ministers dashboard totals costs and deaths recorded in the cases under a portfolio, and never attributes those figures to an individual as a personal act.

What this does not claim

How claims are sourced

Every published case carries at least one link a reader can open and check. That is enforced by the build rather than by good intentions. Each source is tiered so a reader can weigh it without taking anyone's word for it:

The honest state of the evidence, today: of 194 sources on this ledger, 23 are primary records. Sixty-six of the eighty-four cases rest on reporting alone. That is the weakest flank of this project and it is printed here rather than hidden, because a ledger that overstates its own evidence has no business asking anyone else for accuracy. Closing that gap is what the Right to Information desk is for.

Right of reply, corrections and removal

Anyone named on this ledger, or acting for them, has a standing right of reply. A reply that is on the record and signed will be published alongside the case, in full, without editing for tone. That offer does not expire and does not require a lawyer.

Factual corrections are acted on. If a source is wrong, misread, superseded by a later judgment, or no longer supports what was built on it, the case is corrected or withdrawn and the change is recorded. Point to the record and it will be fixed faster than any notice could achieve.

Corrections and right of reply Download the whole ledger

Who this belongs to

Not to whoever built it. A ledger that depends on one person's attention is a ledger with a single point of failure, and any institution that wanted it gone would only have to wait. So the record is open: every case is downloadable as CSV or JSON, every case has a permanent citable page, and anyone may submit a case with sources and dates.

Nothing publishes itself. A submission enters a review queue and is checked against these rules before it appears — sources opened, tier assigned, fact separated from allegation. The intention is for that review to be carried out by a group of contributors rather than by one editor, and for the standard applied to be the one written on this page, where anybody can hold it up against the result.